"The PUK and KDP until recent years had a very romantic relationship with the people; they were the tools of the people against Saddam Hussein and people loved that," says one Kurdish analyst who could not be named for fear of reprisals. "But that image has been shattered – it doesn't exist anymore."
There are indeed some progressive laws on the books, and in fact internal divisions in both parties over the use of force and content of reform. But recent steps point to an authoritarian tendency especially in KDP areas, where yet more Barzani family have recently been given top posts. PUK influence has declined since the breakaway Goran [Change] movement took up the opposition role.
"There are a few trappings of democracy, around the same faces. The faces that I know are the same ones that my father knew, and that my kids will probably know," says the analyst. "One thing they [KDP and PUK] know very well is how to survive, which can't be until the end of time. Protests have been fruitful because they made clear to leaders that a good part of society does not want them."
The violence has certainly prompted some soul-searching, and promises of change. KRG Prime Minister Barham Salih, a PUK leader with a progressive reputation, says failure to act on demands "will take the Kurdistan experiment into a dark tunnel."
"We admit without any hesitation that there have been some shortcomings in the corruption files, bad management, and parties have been in control [which] led to protests and legitimate demands for reform," Mr. Salih told the Saudi-owned Asharq al-Awsat this week. "The solution lies in root reform."